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Mean support for general health care reform on the left and mandate-specific on the right, each by subgroups of ideology, party identification, political trust and income.  Across all of the groups general health care support appears stable. On the other hand, there appears to be an effect from the ruling on opinions about the mandate. Across all the subgroups, though in varying amounts, we see a sigmoidal shape with the steepest slope at the time of the decision (between waves 2 and 3). 

Mean support for general health care reform on the left and mandate-specific on the right, each by subgroups of ideology, party identification, political trust and income.  Across all of the groups general health care support appears stable. On the other hand, there appears to be an effect from the ruling on opinions about the mandate. Across all the subgroups, though in varying amounts, we see a sigmoidal shape with the steepest slope at the time of the decision (between waves 2 and 3). 

(Source: people.bu.edu)

When individuals perceive the Supreme Court moving closer to them after a decision they give it higher legitimacy ratings. Individuals who concluded that the Court was less aligned with their views than they previously believed and who were exposed to a more political account of its decision-making behavior were less forgiving than those who merely believed the Court was less aligned with their views than expected.

When individuals perceive the Supreme Court moving closer to them after a decision they give it higher legitimacy ratings. Individuals who concluded that the Court was less aligned with their views than they previously believed and who were exposed to a more political account of its decision-making behavior were less forgiving than those who merely believed the Court was less aligned with their views than expected.

(Source: people.bu.edu)

This figure illustrates where candidate organizations and Super PACs spent their money in the 2012 nomination contest. The comparative spending numbers are for state contests receiving the largest amounts of either candidate or PAC spending (for and against the three candidates that lasted the longest: Romney, Santorum and Gingrich). The primary schedule is used to order the states left to right.

This figure illustrates where candidate organizations and Super PACs spent their money in the 2012 nomination contest. The comparative spending numbers are for state contests receiving the largest amounts of either candidate or PAC spending (for and against the three candidates that lasted the longest: Romney, Santorum and Gingrich). The primary schedule is used to order the states left to right.

(Source: people.bu.edu)

A candidate’s web presence, graphed for each of the major 2008 presidential nomination candidates, is a largely unique facet of campaigns, reflecting different dynamics than either media coverage or popular support. Instead it is more responsive to factors of deeper campaign engagement, like campaign spending on travel and direct marketing. 

A candidate’s web presence, graphed for each of the major 2008 presidential nomination candidates, is a largely unique facet of campaigns, reflecting different dynamics than either media coverage or popular support. Instead it is more responsive to factors of deeper campaign engagement, like campaign spending on travel and direct marketing. 

(Source: people.bu.edu)

Exploring panel data attrition on sample demographics.  Five wave panel study with stable categories of respondent traits, such as race, gender, partisanship, and income. Slight trends evident in age and education, with 18 and 19 year olds and those with some college education consistently falling out slightly more often than the older and more educated.

Exploring panel data attrition on sample demographics.  Five wave panel study with stable categories of respondent traits, such as race, gender, partisanship, and income. Slight trends evident in age and education, with 18 and 19 year olds and those with some college education consistently falling out slightly more often than the older and more educated.

(Source: people.bu.edu)

Who updated their ideological assessments of the Court after the ACA decision? Dems increased their ideological congruence with the Court and Reps decreased them. Black respondents also saw the Court move toward them (partisan overlap here). People with more political trust, more political information and older people were more stable; ie, less likely to reassess the Court than the less informed, less trusting and younger.

Who updated their ideological assessments of the Court after the ACA decision? Dems increased their ideological congruence with the Court and Reps decreased them. Black respondents also saw the Court move toward them (partisan overlap here). People with more political trust, more political information and older people were more stable; ie, less likely to reassess the Court than the less informed, less trusting and younger.

(Source: people.bu.edu)

This figure compares the average tone for the 57 weeks in the data, the tone for the week immediately prior to passage (the week of March 14th) and the tone after the passage of health care reform to speeches and press releases made by key members of Congress and the President at comparable periods.

This figure compares the average tone for the 57 weeks in the data, the tone for the week immediately prior to passage (the week of March 14th) and the tone after the passage of health care reform to speeches and press releases made by key members of Congress and the President at comparable periods.

The tone time series (based on tf-idf scoring) show the variation in the association of positive and negative words as the health care debate developed in 2009 and 2010. The results show that over time CNN and Fox became more negative, with CNN having declined more rapidly in tf-idf than Fox, which stabilized closer to the end of the period.

The tone time series (based on tf-idf scoring) show the variation in the association of positive and negative words as the health care debate developed in 2009 and 2010. The results show that over time CNN and Fox became more negative, with CNN having declined more rapidly in tf-idf than Fox, which stabilized closer to the end of the period.

The graphs capture the change in the probability of voting for the incumbent party candidate due to a one unit change in evaluation of the economy, such as a change from believing the economy was (or will be) the same during the previous (or next) year to believing it was (or will be) better. The line shows the change in the slope effect of economic evaluations on vote choice as voter information increases, conditional on beliefs about who will win the election.

The graphs capture the change in the probability of voting for the incumbent party candidate due to a one unit change in evaluation of the economy, such as a change from believing the economy was (or will be) the same during the previous (or next) year to believing it was (or will be) better. The line shows the change in the slope effect of economic evaluations on vote choice as voter information increases, conditional on beliefs about who will win the election.

Mean support for general health care reform on the left and mandate-specific on the right, each by subgroups of ideology, party identification, political trust and income.  Across all of the groups general health care support appears stable. On the other hand, there appears to be an effect from the ruling on opinions about the mandate. Across all the subgroups, though in varying amounts, we see a sigmoidal shape with the steepest slope at the time of the decision (between waves 2 and 3). 

Mean support for general health care reform on the left and mandate-specific on the right, each by subgroups of ideology, party identification, political trust and income.  Across all of the groups general health care support appears stable. On the other hand, there appears to be an effect from the ruling on opinions about the mandate. Across all the subgroups, though in varying amounts, we see a sigmoidal shape with the steepest slope at the time of the decision (between waves 2 and 3). 

(Source: people.bu.edu)

When individuals perceive the Supreme Court moving closer to them after a decision they give it higher legitimacy ratings. Individuals who concluded that the Court was less aligned with their views than they previously believed and who were exposed to a more political account of its decision-making behavior were less forgiving than those who merely believed the Court was less aligned with their views than expected.

When individuals perceive the Supreme Court moving closer to them after a decision they give it higher legitimacy ratings. Individuals who concluded that the Court was less aligned with their views than they previously believed and who were exposed to a more political account of its decision-making behavior were less forgiving than those who merely believed the Court was less aligned with their views than expected.

(Source: people.bu.edu)

This figure illustrates where candidate organizations and Super PACs spent their money in the 2012 nomination contest. The comparative spending numbers are for state contests receiving the largest amounts of either candidate or PAC spending (for and against the three candidates that lasted the longest: Romney, Santorum and Gingrich). The primary schedule is used to order the states left to right.

This figure illustrates where candidate organizations and Super PACs spent their money in the 2012 nomination contest. The comparative spending numbers are for state contests receiving the largest amounts of either candidate or PAC spending (for and against the three candidates that lasted the longest: Romney, Santorum and Gingrich). The primary schedule is used to order the states left to right.

(Source: people.bu.edu)

A candidate’s web presence, graphed for each of the major 2008 presidential nomination candidates, is a largely unique facet of campaigns, reflecting different dynamics than either media coverage or popular support. Instead it is more responsive to factors of deeper campaign engagement, like campaign spending on travel and direct marketing. 

A candidate’s web presence, graphed for each of the major 2008 presidential nomination candidates, is a largely unique facet of campaigns, reflecting different dynamics than either media coverage or popular support. Instead it is more responsive to factors of deeper campaign engagement, like campaign spending on travel and direct marketing. 

(Source: people.bu.edu)

Exploring panel data attrition on sample demographics.  Five wave panel study with stable categories of respondent traits, such as race, gender, partisanship, and income. Slight trends evident in age and education, with 18 and 19 year olds and those with some college education consistently falling out slightly more often than the older and more educated.

Exploring panel data attrition on sample demographics.  Five wave panel study with stable categories of respondent traits, such as race, gender, partisanship, and income. Slight trends evident in age and education, with 18 and 19 year olds and those with some college education consistently falling out slightly more often than the older and more educated.

(Source: people.bu.edu)

Who updated their ideological assessments of the Court after the ACA decision? Dems increased their ideological congruence with the Court and Reps decreased them. Black respondents also saw the Court move toward them (partisan overlap here). People with more political trust, more political information and older people were more stable; ie, less likely to reassess the Court than the less informed, less trusting and younger.

Who updated their ideological assessments of the Court after the ACA decision? Dems increased their ideological congruence with the Court and Reps decreased them. Black respondents also saw the Court move toward them (partisan overlap here). People with more political trust, more political information and older people were more stable; ie, less likely to reassess the Court than the less informed, less trusting and younger.

(Source: people.bu.edu)

This figure compares the average tone for the 57 weeks in the data, the tone for the week immediately prior to passage (the week of March 14th) and the tone after the passage of health care reform to speeches and press releases made by key members of Congress and the President at comparable periods.

This figure compares the average tone for the 57 weeks in the data, the tone for the week immediately prior to passage (the week of March 14th) and the tone after the passage of health care reform to speeches and press releases made by key members of Congress and the President at comparable periods.

The tone time series (based on tf-idf scoring) show the variation in the association of positive and negative words as the health care debate developed in 2009 and 2010. The results show that over time CNN and Fox became more negative, with CNN having declined more rapidly in tf-idf than Fox, which stabilized closer to the end of the period.

The tone time series (based on tf-idf scoring) show the variation in the association of positive and negative words as the health care debate developed in 2009 and 2010. The results show that over time CNN and Fox became more negative, with CNN having declined more rapidly in tf-idf than Fox, which stabilized closer to the end of the period.

The graphs capture the change in the probability of voting for the incumbent party candidate due to a one unit change in evaluation of the economy, such as a change from believing the economy was (or will be) the same during the previous (or next) year to believing it was (or will be) better. The line shows the change in the slope effect of economic evaluations on vote choice as voter information increases, conditional on beliefs about who will win the election.

The graphs capture the change in the probability of voting for the incumbent party candidate due to a one unit change in evaluation of the economy, such as a change from believing the economy was (or will be) the same during the previous (or next) year to believing it was (or will be) better. The line shows the change in the slope effect of economic evaluations on vote choice as voter information increases, conditional on beliefs about who will win the election.

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